
From the Revolutionary War until the Civil War, the institution of slavery
was on the decline. However, even with such a decline, New Jersey was the last northern state to abolish slavery and when
it did so, it called for a gradual end to it.
Slaves were first recorded in New Jersey in 1680, when there were 60 or
70 on a plantation at Shrewsbury. In 1702, New Jersey became a royal colony with a strong desire to increase the crowns wealth.
With this, the importation of slaves into New Jersey was highly encouraged. By 1726, nearly 2,600 slaves were in New Jersey,
8% of the colonys population. By 1745 that number more than doubled to 4,700 slaves, accounting for 7.5% of New Jerseys population.
Later, slave ships were calling at Camden and Perth Amboy, and in 1762,
slaves were still being sold on the block at Camden. At Perth Amboy in 1776, there was but one household employing free white
servants. Somerset County, in 1790, averaged one slave to every six free persons, and by 1800 the same average prevailed in
Bergen County, totalling 12,422 slaves in New Jersey. With the exception of New York, no state north of the Mason and Dixon
Line had so large a slave population.
But, during the years that slavery was growing in New Jersey there was
also springing up a movement against it. That movement was particularly strong among the Quakers. The Quakers of Southwestern
Jersey were members of the influential Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of Friends, which had been against importing slaves since
1696. The campaign against slavery grew steadily stronger, until in 1776 the Philadelphia Meeting would not accept slaveholders
as members. In 1780, the Quakers at Haddonfield disowned two members who refused to release their slaves. At last, in 1795,
after a century of patient work, the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting could boast that not one slaveholder worshiped in its large
congregation.
Thoughtful Jerseymen were well aware of the contradiction between revolutionary
rhetoric and social realities, especially the discrepancy between the equality proclaimed by the Declaration of Independence
and the inequality of slavery. John Cooper of Gloucester County is representative of the many men who opposed the institution
of slavery for political as well as moral reasons. As a member of the Society of Friends, he was heir to traditional antipathy
to human bondage. But having served on several local revolutionary committees, the Provincial Congress (1775-1776), the Continental
Congress (1776), and the committee that drafted our State Constitution of 1776, he was concerned that the existence of slavery
would undermine both the quest for independence and the experiment in republicanism.
In September, 1778, Cooper wrote:
"Whilst we are spilling our blood and exhausting our treasure in defense
of our own liberty, it would not perhaps be amiss to turn our eyes towards those of our fellow-men who are now groaning in
bondage under us. We say all men are equally entitled to liberty and the pursuit of happiness.; but are we willing to grant
this liberty to all men? The sentiment no doubt is just as well as generous; and must ever be read to our praise; provided
our actions correspond therewith. But if after we have made such a declaration to the world, we continue to hold our fellow
creatures in slavery, our words must rise up in judgement against us, and by the breath of our own mouths we shall stand condemned."
The antislavery feeling among the Quakers spread gradually to other groups.
This was brought about largely by John Woolman, a Jersey man and Anthony Benezet of Philadelphia. Woolman (1720-1772), a Mount
Holly tailor and itinerant Quaker missionary, was born at Northampton in Burlington County. He was one of the first men to
suggest publicly the abolition of the slave trade in America. Not only did Woolman speak at meetings all along the eastern
seaboard, but he also wrote and published pamphlets attacking slavery. In time his ideas spread, eventually reaching New Jersey
legislators, and in 1768, the special courts to deal with Negroes were abandoned. In 1769, a tax of £15 was laid on the purchase
of each slave imported into the colony; and in 1778, the special criminal laws for Negroes were discarded.
New Jersey's first abolition society was organized at Trenton in 1786,
and another was formed in Burlington in 1793. A year later the Abolition Society of Salem was active in the defense of kidnapped
Negroes, purchasing their freedom if necessary. In 1786 New Jersey enacted legislation that essentially bans the further importation
of slaves, thereby ending the African slave trade to New Jersey. In two letters, written in 1786, George Washington pointed
out the existence of systematic attempts to aid and protect fugitive slaves in western New Jersey and Pennsylvania. Washington,
a slaveholder who advocated the gradual abolition of slavery, wrote that it was not easy to capture fugitives "where there
are numbers who would rather facilitate the escape of slaves than apprehend them when runaways".
New Jersey had five representatives at the first convention of abolition
societies in 1796. One of them was Joseph Bloomfield, who became president of the convention. As Governor of New Jersey in
1804, Bloomfield signed the hard-fought act which provided that every child thereafter born of a slave was free, but must
remain as servant of the mother's master until 25 if a boy, 21 if a girl. Soon waves of fugitive slaves were flowing over
the borders of New Jersey and other northern states. The southern slaveholders fought the abolition societies; they had Congress
pass the Fugitive Slave law of 1793, which punished anyone giving aid to fleeing Negroes, and sent spies and slave-catchers
north to capture escaped slaves.
As our nation grew, it divided on the issue of slavery: Slavery haters
strung out from Salem to Hoboken helped fleeing blacks escape their pursuers via the underground railroad. Camden County was
an important point to the Underground Railroad because of the ferries. Tradition says that escaping slaves sometimes hid in
the cellar of Haddonfields Indian King Tavern. Some freed slaves eventually found their way to Snow Hill (now Lawnside), a
town setup by abolitionists in 1840. Agriculture was Bergen Countys 19th century way of life. County farmers depended
on slaves. In 1790, Bergen County counted 2,301 slaves, more than any other New Jersey county. Salem Countys proximity to
the south, as well as the militant anti-slavery feelings of its Quakers settlers, gave it a prominent role in the drama leading
up to the civil war. In common with the other colonies, New Jersey suffered from a shortage of labor which inhibited its economic
growth.
During the 18th century, there were two types of cheap servile labor:
European bond-servants and Negro or Indian slaves. Scottish and English servants comprised a considerable portion of the immigration
to New Jersey in the late 17th century. In return for his passage, the indentured servant was bound to his master for a period
of several years, that number usually being four. Upon the expiration of the term of service, the servant would receive a
piece of land and "freedom dues" of ten bushels of corn, necessary apparel, two hoes and an ax. With this, the ex-servant
was soon able to establish himself as a farmer in his own right. However, during the course of the term of service, the master
was assumed to have property rights in a servant who could be bought and sold.
While under NJ law a servant could secure his freedom if his master abused
him or denied him adequate food or clothing, there are only a few published cases in which masters are charged with the death
of their servant. The frequency of runaways among servants would also suggest that many were dissatisfied with their treatment;
and though the law provided for the apprehension and punishment of the fugitive runaway, few were ever returned to their masters.
There was, though, a major difference in the status of servant and slave. A servant had civil rights. They could seek the
protection of the court, hold property, and serve in the militia. More importantly, a servants service was temporary and once
his time was up, he was free. Negro slaves were not only found on the many iron plantations throughout the State, but were
also utilized in agriculture and commerce as well. During this proprietary period the distinction between slave and servant
was rather vague. Gradually the special status of the slave was defined in a series of statutes such as the law of 1695, which
provided special courts for slaves as well as more severe punishments.
Slavery came to be understood as a condition restricted to pagans, i.e.
Africans and Indians. Thus, race and color became identified with permanent servitude. By 1800, 12,422 Negroes out of a total
Negro population of 16,824 were still in a state of bondage. In 1804, an act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery, the states
first abolition law passes. It frees all black children born on or after July 4, 1804, after serving an apprenticeship to
their mother's owners of 21 years (female) and 25 years (male).
Slavery in 18th century NJ was reputed to be humane and
paternalistic in character. Working closely as laborer or domestic with master and mistress, the Negroes were often regarded
as members of the family and as worthy of care and consideration. Such a favorable view of NJ slavery, however, is clouded
over by various reminders that the institution at best was inherently brutal. Slaves after all were considered chattels to
be bought sold and used to the advantage of the owner. Salem County out did even the cruelist of the notorious Salem, Mass
punishments when in 1717, a young black slave woman was burned at the stake as an alleged accomplice in the murder of her
master. Records indicate that the slave merely knew of the murder in advance, but was not involved in the commission. She
was burned nevertheless.
years old, healthy, sober and
honest, and understands all
kinds of housework, will be
her child, a boy of two years old.
********************
This advertisement, in a Trenton newspaper on December notices
appearing in periodicals all over New Jersey during the early 19th century. It was no rare occurrence to have slave mothers
separated from their children.
By 1826,
New Jersey passed legislation that authorized the return of fugitive slaves to their owners from other states residing
or apprehended in New Jersey. In 1846, New Jersey set down into law its second abolition law. This law would now eliminate
apprenticeships for all black children born after its passage and although formally outlawing slavery, makes the states remaining
slaves (all of then elderly persons) "apprentices" for like, which is another form of slavery.
Slave flight to the North now prompted the passage of the
Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 which as a concession to the slave states, empowered federal agents to apprehend and return runaways
who had fled to the free states. Public opinion in many parts of the North, however, increasingly turned against this legislation,
some of its provisions (for example were for Federal Marshals to deputize individuals to assist in capturing fugitive slaves)
being perceived as grave violations of civil liberties. Some free states therefore enacted personal liberty laws that sought
to nullify the Fugitive Slave Act. Slaveholders and their sympathizers, in attempting to make slavery morally defensible,
asserted that slaves were simple, child-like creatures who were very much contented with their bondage. Each fugitive who
headed North therefore personally refuted the claim that bondspersons had no desire for freedom.
In 1830, John C. Calhoun, President James Monroe's Secretary
of War and Vice President under John Quincy Adams, supported the institution of slavery. He firmly believed that the African
race was physically, mentally and morally inferior to whites. He argued, "there is no instance of any civilized colored
race of any shade being found equal to the establishment and maintenance of free government." He cited to the free blacks
impoverished living conditions in the North as proof that they lacked the ability to exercise their freedom. Calhoun viewed
slavery as a benefit to the Negro. "Never before has the black race from the dawn of history to the present
day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually. It came to us
in a low, degraded, and savage condition, and in the course of a few generations it has grown up under the fostering of our
institutions. He believed that freeing the Negro and placing them in competition with the whites on a equal basis would only
result in catastrophe.
Up from the Chesapeake Bay, from the banks of the Susquehanna,
across from the slave state of Delaware and from all along the Pennsylvania border came "trains" of fugitives, thousands of
them seeking transportation on the Underground Railroad in New Jersey. While the origin of the term Underground Railroad remains
obscure, it can be dated back to roughly 1830, after the appearance of the first trains in the United States.
Between 30,000 and 40,000 runaways, 50,000 at the most,
were involved. The overwhelming majority of southern slaves who absconded during the antebellum period remained in the South,
gravitating to the regions urban centers where they often sought to pass themselves off as free blacks. Most fugitive slaves
hailed from the states of the Upper South, in particular, Kentucky, Missouri, Delaware, Maryland and Virginia. Most were males
between the ages of 15 and 30 who traveled singly by foot, horseback, wagon, stagecoach, carriage, train and boat, and at
night guided by the North Star.
In the North, free blacks acting individually, in vigilance
committees common to many northern cities, or through their own churches and self-help organizations. These individuals were
often in the forefront of efforts to provide shelter, financial help and general support to the runaways. Upon reaching the
North, the passengers were fed, clothed, allowed to rest and cared for at the station, which would be any kind of a structure
i.e. a house, church hotel or store. New Jersey, an integral part of the eastern corridor, received fugitives mainly from
the Atlantic coastline states of Georgia, the Carolinas, Virginia, Maryland and Delaware.
New Jersey is also identified with the Underground Railroad
two most celebrated figures, Harriet Tubman and William Still. No other northern state exceeded New Jersey in the number of
all-black communities that served the sanctuaries for southern fugitive slaves Towns like Springtown (Cumberland County),
Marshalltown (Salem County), Snow Hill (now Lawnside, Camden County) and Timbuctoo (Burlington County) were among such places
located mainly in the rural South in which fugitive slaves settled. New Jersey was intimately associated with Philadelphia
and the adjoining section in the underground system, and afforded at least three important outlets for runaways from the territory
west of the Delaware River. Knowledge of these outlets is derived solely from the testimony of the Rev. Thomas Clement Oliver,
who, like his father, traveled the New Jersey routes many times as a guide and conductor.
Probably the most important of these routes was that leading
from Philadelphia to Jersey City and New York. From Philadelphia the runaways were taken across the Delaware River to Camden,
where Mr. Oliver lived, then conveyed northeast following the course of the river to Burlington, and then in the same direction
to Bordentown. In Burlington, sometimes called Station A, a short stop was made for the purpose of changing horses after the
rapid driver of twenty miles from Philadelphia. The Bordentown station was denominated Station B east. Here the road took
a more northerly direction to Princeton, where horses were again changed and the journey continued to New Brunswick. Just
east of New Brunswick the conductors sometimes met with opposition in attempting to cross the Raritan River on their way to
Jersey City. To avoid this the conductors arranged with Cornelius Cornell, who lived on the outskirts of New Brunswick, and,
presumably, near the river, to notify them when there were slave-catchers or spies at the regular crossing. During the 1850s,
the Eagleswood Academy at Perth Amboy was an important Underground station and the meeting place of prominent abolitionists
as well as advocates of women's suffrage.
Situated on the Raritan River, the school was a natural
hideout for fugitives who could be put on barges during the night and carried to Canada and freedom. Living at the Academy
were the secret agents of the Railroad, two elderly Quaker teachers, Sarah Grimke and her sister, Mrs. Angelina Weld, and
Angelina's husband, Theodore. If it happened that the road between New Brunswick and Perth Amboy was also being watched, the
escaping Negroes were brought to Matawan and lodged by Quakers in a large, red brick house on the main street. Under a huge
four-post bed on the second floor, a trap door, covered by a rug, led to a secret chamber, 9 by 15 feet. One barn of the main
line outside of Newark was on the farm of Alexander McLean, a Jersey City newspaperman. McLean's place was used when the bridges
over the Passaic and Hackensack Rivers were being watched. Fugitives came during the night, sometimes without notice. Early
in the morning food was brought to them in the hay loft, where horse blankets had been provided in advance. A ladder at the
rear of the barn was used for emergency exits. Children were taught to be silent about strange Negroes who came and went by
night. After spending the day in the barn, fugitives were sent onto the ferries at Jersey City by way of Newark or Belleville
Turnpike and Newark Avenue.
The fugitives were brought to New York City just in time
to make the night trains for Albany and Syracuse. At the piers, spies watched the wagons and coaches night and day. Many captures
occurred here because drivers had to show how many passengers they were carrying when paying fares. When slaves were detected,
Underground conductors who mingled with the crowd drew close to the frightened Negro and led them to hideaways close by. Often
the fugitives were hurried into a house by the front door and out on another street through the back. Then off to the waterfront
they rushed to be hidden on Hudson River coal barges in which they almost choked to death from coal dust. Some skippers risked
taking on a slave to get extra help, for water had to be pumped constantly from the loaded canal boats. Small sloops and schooners
were also used to ship the slaves to safe ports farther north.
The Jersey City Underground station very often gave assistance
to 25 or 30 runaway slaves in one night. This cost a hundred dollars for fares alone. Contributors' names were kept secret,
and an agent might not even know who his coworkers were in towns a few miles away.
The protection of secrecy was especially necessary in the
large towns of Trenton, Newark and Jersey City where public opinion was unfriendly to abolitionists and escaped slaves. In
1848 a meeting of the Newark Abolition Society was broken up by a riot. A mob entered the meeting hall, broke all the seats
and windows and burned all the books and papers. The City Marshal and other officers were present but did nothing to restore
order or prevent the destruction of property.
In Jersey City, not only were there riots, but the anti-abolition
feeling grew so strong that the churches refused to permit anyone to speak from their pulpits against slavery or to condemn
Congress for passing the harsh Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. Later the abolitionists grew in number, and in 1857 the congregationalists
organized a church society were free speech was encouraged. Out of this society came the Tabernacle, the most popular church
in Jersey City during the Civil War. When the way was clear at the Raritan, the company pursued its course to Rahway; here
another relay of horses was obtained and the journey continued to Jersey City, where, under the care of John Everett, a Quaker,
or his servants, they were taken to the Forty-Second Street railroad station, now known as the Grand Central, provided with
tickets, and placed on a through train for Syracuse, New York.
The second route had its origin on the Delaware River,
forty miles below Philadelphia, at or near Salem. It had an independent course for sixty miles before it connected with the
more northern route at Bordentown. This distance of sixty miles was ordinarily traveled in three stages, the first ending
at Woodbury, twenty-five miles north of Salem, although the trip by wagon is said to have added ten miles to the estimated
distance between the two places; the second stage ended at Evesham Mount; and third, at Bordentown. The third route was called,
from its initial station, the Greenwich line. This station is vividly described as having been made up of a circle of Quaker
residences enclosing a swampy place that swarmed with blacks. One may surmise that it made a model station. Slaves were transported
at night across the Delaware River from the vicinity of Dover, in boats marked by a yellow light hung below a blue one, and
were met some distance out from the Jersey shore by boats showing the same lights.
Landed at Greenwich, the fugitives were conducted north
twenty-five miles to Swedesboro, and thence about the same distance to Evesham Mount. From this point they were taken to Mount
Holly, and so into the northern or Philadelphia route. Still another branch of this Philadelphia line is known. It constitutes
the fourth road, and is described by Mr. Robert Purvis as an extension of a route through Bucks County, Pennsylvania, that
entered Trenton, New Jersey, from Newtown, and ran directly to New Brunswick and so on to New York.
The Civil War deeply divided the people of New Jersey.
Many of the State's industries depended on the southern market for their prosperity. Newark, for example, was a "Southern
Workshop" selling the bulk of its shoes, carriages, saddlery, and clothing in the slave states. Economic interest, therefor,
aligned manufacturers and workmen against any policy which would cause a cessation of southern trade. Proposals were made
seriously in December 1860 that New Jersey had more to gain by joining a southern confederacy than by staying with the North.
Jerseymen also prided themselves on their conservatism and there was little abolitionist sentiment in the State. While there
was some anti-slavery feeling in the Quaker areas, the New England Churches and among the Germans, the dominant attitude appeared
to be one of animus against the Negro.
The Civil War ended the need for the Railroad; its aim
was realized in 1863 when Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation. But before the war more than 50,000 slaves had been
led to freedom by the New Jersey operators of the Underground Railroad.
Directory
of the Names of NJ Underground Railroad Operators
Burlington
*
Coleman, John.
Evans,
Robert
Middleton,
Enoch.
*
Stevens, Samuel.
Cumberland
Bond,
Leven.
Cooper,
Ezekial.
Murry,
Nathaniel.
Sheppard,
J.R.
Sheppard,
Thomas R.
Stanford,
Alges.
Stanford,
Julia.
Gloucester
Douden,
Wm.
*
Louis. Pompey.
*
Sharper, Jubilee
Hudson
Everett,
John
Mott,
Dr. James
Phillips,
Peter James.
Mercer
Conove,
Elias
Earl,
J. J.
Plumly,
B. Rush.
Middlesex
Freedlyn,
Johathan.
Sickler,
Adam.
Salem
Goodwin,
Abigail.
*
Oliver, Rev. Thomas Clement
Union
Garrison,
Joseph.
Miscellaneous
Reeve,
Wm.
****************************************************** SOURCES
*"New Jersey Gazette", September
20, 1780
*"Stories of New Jersey, New Jersey Writers Project"
Work Projects Administration, Bulletin No. 9 1939-40 Series
*"The Underground Railroad From Slavery to Freedom"
(1898) by Wilbur H. Siebert
*"New Jersey Underground Railroad Heritage, 'Steal Away, Steal Away'" A Guide to the Underground Railroad in New Jersey, New Jersey Historical Commission
*"Jersey Journeys" February 1994, No. 4, Slavery in
New Jersey
*"This is New Jersey" by John T. Cunningham, 4th Edition, Rutgers University Press
*"He Started the Civil War", by Ethan S. Rafuse, Civil
War Times, Vol. XLI#5, October 2002

New Jersey Laws on Slavery from the Colonial Era to the Civil War
| TYPE |
YEAR |
LAWS/CODES |
DESCRIPTION |
| Slavery recognized |
1664 |
Constitution |
New Jersey's earliest constitution, the "Concessions," granted to every colonist
75 acres of land for every slave acquired before January 1, 1665; 60 acres for every slave acquired in the following year;
and 45 acres in 1667 and 30 acres for every slave held in 1668. |
| Transporting |
1675 |
Statute |
Anyone transporting an enslaved person was fined 5 pounds. |
| Abolition |
1676 |
Quaker law |
West Jersey under the authority of Phildelphia Quakers stated: "All & every
person, & persons inhabiting the said province, shall as far as in us lies, be free from oppression & slavery." |
| Trade |
1682 |
Statute |
Prohibited purchasing goods from enslaved persons. Penalty: 5 pounds for the
first offense and 10 pounds for the second. If a black offered a white an article for sale, the white had the right to flog
the black and would receive half a crown from his master. |
| Slave welfare |
1682 |
Statute |
Masters were required to "clothe and feed their slaves adequately." |
| Alcohol |
1682 |
Statute |
The sale of strong liquor to blacks was forbidden except for medicinal purposes. |
| Trade |
1683 |
Treaty |
Treaty signed with local Native Americans prohibiting trading with enslaved persons. |
| Alcohol |
1685 |
Statute |
Any person "convicted of selling or giving of rum, or any manner of strong liquor,
either to negro or Indian," except for medicinal purposes was liable to a penalty of 5 pounds. |
| Weapons |
1694 |
Statute |
Unlawful for enslaved persons to carry guns, pistols or dogs into the woods unless
accompanied by their master or another white with the permission of their owner. |
| Runaways |
1694 |
Statute |
If an enslaved person was found more than 5 miles from his home without his master's
permission, he was returned home. The finder received a reward based on mileage traveled to return the slave. |
| Trials |
1695 |
Statute |
Enslaved persons accused of murder or other felonies were tried by 3 justices
of the peace and 12 men in the county where crime occurred. New Jersey was the only colony that had a 12-man jury for slaves.
If a black was found guilty of theft, his owner reimbursed the victim. He then hired someone to whip his black publicly up
to 40 lashes. |
| Religion |
1704 |
Statute |
Queen Anne urged that blacks be taught Christianity and baptized. However blacks
who converted to Christianity were not to be freed. |
| Crime |
1704 |
Statute |
Enslaved persons could receive up to 40 lashes for stealing 6 pence or more.
If the value of the goods stolen was between 5 and 40 shillings, he received 40 lashes and a T was branded on his cheek.
Constables who did not carry out their duties in executing the punishments could be fined 40 shillings. The penalty for rape
or attempted rape was castration. Blacks remained in jail until the "operation" healed. Masters paid for all costs to maintain
imprisoned slaves. |
| Free blacks |
1713 |
Statute |
No free black cold purchase, inherit, or own land or tenements. If such property
came into a black's hands, it reverted back to the English Crown. Freedmen could not vote or hold public office without land. |
| Slave code |
1713 |
Statute |
Enslaved persons were permitted to testify as witnesses in trials of other slaves.
Jury trials for enslaved defendants were no longer required.Slaves could be tried by three justices plus five whites, and
agreement among 7 could result in a judgment. A black's owner could still demand a jury trial. If a master's slave was executed
for a crime, the owner would receive 30 pounds for a male and 20 pounds for a female. Castration for rape was replaced by
corporal punishment because too many died from the "operation." |
| Duty |
1714 |
Statute |
A duty of 10 pounds was charged on any black, Indian, or mulatto imported into
the colony. The purpose of the tax was to stimulate white immigration. The duty expired in 1721. |
| Freedom of movement |
1714 |
Statute |
Any black found travelling without a license, or not on his master's business,
was to be apprehended and whipped, and was to remain in prison until the costs of his capture had been paid by his owner.
|
| Free blacks |
1714 |
Statute |
Blacks from a neighboring colony suspected of being fugitives were required to
produce a pass from a justice, "Signifying that they are free persons," and were to be imprisoned if they were without a pass. |
| Manumission |
1714 |
Statute |
Any master manumitting a slave must sercure a bond for 200 pounds, to pay to
the black an annuity of 20 pounds. Owners or their heirs were required to maintain all blacks not manumitted according to
the law. No black, Indian, or mulatto manumitted could own real estate. |
| Military service |
1745 |
Statute |
Exempted slaves and servants from military service in the town of Trenton. |
| Military service |
1746 |
Statute |
Unlawful to enlist any man under the age of 21, or any blacks or apprentices
without permission in writing from their parents, guardians, masters or mistresses. Penalty: 100 pounds for enslaved blacks,
20 pounds for apprentices and 500 pounds for white free men. |
| Workhouse |
1748 |
Statute |
Lawful for justices of Middlesex County to commit to workhouse to hard labour,
all or any white servants or enslaved blacks, for rude or disorderly behaviour. Servant or slave to receive the "Correction
of the House," as considered reasonable by the justice, not to exceed 30 lashes for any one offense. |
| Alcohol |
1751 |
Statute |
Unlawful to sell liquor to a black without his master's permission. |
| Freedom of assembly |
1751 |
Statute |
Prohibited large or disorderly meetings of enslaved blacks. Required blacks to
be home by 9 o'clock. Blacks were allowed to go to worship, bury the dead, or doing other reasonable acts with their master's
consent. |
| Weapons |
1751 |
Statute |
Slaves prohibited from hunting or carrying a gun on Sundays. |
| Taxes |
1752 |
Statute |
Every male servant and enslaved black, 16 years old and older (except those unable
to work) were to be assessed at a rate of 2 shillings in the first tax and eight-pence in the second tax. |
| Taxes |
1753 |
Statute |
Enslaved male blacks, 16 years old and older, except those who could not work,
were to be rated the sum of 1 shilling. |
| Workhouse |
1754 |
Statue |
Lawful for justices of the town of Elizabeth to commit to workhouse to hard labour
all or any white servants or blacks, for any misdemeanor rude or disorderly behaviour. Servant or slave to receive the "Correction
of the House," as considered reasonable by the justice, not to exceed 30 lashes. |
| Military service |
1755 |
Statute |
Earlier military service statue reenacted. |
| Taxes |
1755 |
Statute |
Male slaves 16 years old and older, except those who could not work, were to
be rated at the sum of 1 shilling for taxation purposes. |
| Military service |
1756 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted. |
| Military service |
1757 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted for Elizabeth Town. |
| Military service |
1757 |
Statute |
Similar military service statute enacted for the towns of Burlington and Trenton.
Penalty for enlisting a black without the permission of his master was 100 pounds. |
| Military service |
1757 |
Statute |
Exempted enslaved blacks and servants from military service in Elizabeth Town. |
| Freedom of assembly |
1758 |
Statute |
Prohibited large or disorderly meetings of enslaved blacks. Required blacks to
be home by 10 o'clock. |
| Military service |
1758 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted for Burlington. Penalty for enlisting a black
without the permission of his master was 100 pounds. |
| Military service |
1759 |
Statute |
Military service statute enaced for town of Perth Amboy. |
| Military service |
1760 |
Statute |
The enlistment of blacks, without the permission in writing from their masters,
was forbidden. |
| Traps |
1760 |
Statute |
Unlawful for any person to set a steel or iron trap "larger than what is usually
and commony set for Foxes or Musk-Rats." Non- slaves were to be fined; enslaved blacks were to be publicly flogged 30 lashes. |
| Military service |
1761 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted for town of Perth Amboy. |
| Military service |
1762 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted for town of Burlington. |
| Duty |
1762 |
Statute |
A 2 pound duty was placed on enslaved blacks entering East Jersey and 6 pounds
on blacks entering West Jersey. |
| Military service |
1763 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenacted for town of Burlington. Penalty for enlisting
a black without the permission of his master was increased to 200 pounds. |
| Military service |
1764 |
Statute |
Military service statute reenaced for town of Perth Amboy. |
| Duty |
1767 |
Statute |
A 10 pound duty was placed on all enslaved blacks entering the colony. |
| Trials |
1768 |
Statute |
The punishment for capital offenses became more severe with this act. Enslaved
blacks, Indians or mulattos found guilty of murder or conspiring to murder, rape or wilfully burning any house,barn, stable
or stacks of corn or hay were to be sentenced to death without benefit of clergy. Stealing items above the value of 5 pounds,
committing any other felony or burglary could also be punished by death or some lesser penalty. Sheriffs were to be paid 5
pounds for executing any enslaved black, Indian or mulatto found guilty of a crime. In addition, the constable of every town
was to maintain a list of all male and female slaves 14 years and older. Slaves accused of capital offenses were no longer
tried in special slave courts, but in in the ordinary cours as freemen were. |
| Manumission |
1769 |
Statute |
Masters or mistresses who manumitted a slave through a last will or by other
means was to enter a bond in the sum of 200 pounds to indemnify the city or town where such enslaved black, Indian or mulatto
lived in case such former slave was unable to support or maintain himself. Failure to do so would void the manumission. Slaves
not manumitted according to the law were required to be supported by their owners. If an owner became insolvent, slaves who
were incapable of supporting themselves were to be entitled to the same relief as white servants and were deemed as the "Poor
of the Colony." |
| Duty |
1769 |
Statute |
Persons who purchased a "Negro, Indian or Mulatto Slave" were required to pay
a duty of 15 pounds. |
| Traps |
1769 |
Statute |
Unlawful to set traps that weigh more than 5 pounds or are larger than commonly
used to trap foxes or musk rats. Slaves who set such traps voluntarily were to be publicly whipped up to 30 lashes unless
their master or mistress paid the fine. |
| Duty/Manumission |
1769 |
Statute |
The duty on imported enslaved persons was raised from 10 pounds to 15 pounds.
A 200 pound bond was required for all manumissions. If owners became insolvent and incapable of providing for his former slaves,
they were to be cared for by the township the same as white servants. |
| Taxes |
1769 |
Statute |
Enslaved males, 16 years old and older, except those who could not work, were
to be rated the sum of 4 shillings for taxation purposes. |
| Traps |
1771 |
Statute |
Statute prohibiting slaves from setting traps reenacted. |
| Suffrage |
1776 |
Constitution |
The state gave suffrage to anyone with an estate of 50 pounds, including blacks
and women. |
| Military service |
1780 |
Statute |
Prohibited the enlistment of enslaved persons to fill remainder of New Jersey's
quota of troops. |
| Manumission |
1784 |
Statute |
Slaves who had become the property of the state, through the confiscation of
Tory estates, were set free by act of the legislature. |
| Importation of slaves/manumission |
1786 |
Statute |
Prohibited the importation of slaves brought into the country after 1776. Penalty:
50 pounds for enslaved blacks directly brought from Africa; 20 pounds for all other blacks. Statute also eased manumission
requirements. Healthy enslaved persons between 21 and 35 years of age could be freed without placing a financial obligation
on their former owners to care for blacks who became paupers. |
| Cruelty |
1786 |
Statute |
Any person convicted of "inhumanly treating and abusing" his slave might be indicted
by the grand jury, and on conviction could be fined. |
| Free blacks |
1786 |
Statute |
Blacks manumitted in other states were not allowed to travel in New Jersey. Any
person who employed them, or concealed them were to be fined 5 pounds per week. Free blacks of New Jersey were prohibited
from traveling beyond their county without an official freedom certificate. |
| Slave trade |
1788 |
Statute |
Unlawful to sell enslaved persons from the state without their permission. |
| Punishment |
1788 |
Statute |
All criminal offenses committed by enslaved persons were to be punished in the
same manner as the criminal offenses of freemen. |
| Education |
1788 |
Statute |
All enslaved blacks and servants, born after the passage of this act, were to
be taught to read before they reached the age of 21. Owners who failed to comply with this act were to be fined 5 pounds. |
| Punishment |
1796 |
Statute |
Court had the right to determine punishment for slaves convicted of a crime not
punishable by death. In place of the usual punishment imposed on freemen, the court could prescribe corporal punishment for
any offense not punishable by death. |
| Terms of enslavement |
1798 |
Statute |
Every enslaved black, indian or mulatto slave was enslaved for life unless set
free in a manner prescribed by the law. |
| Slave trade |
1798 |
Statute |
Unlawful to bring enslaved blacks into the state for sale or servitude. New Jersey
slaveholders who held blacks outside of the state were exempt from this provision. |
| Witnesses |
1798 |
Statute |
Enslaved blackss could not serve as witnesses in court unless against another
slave. |
| Trade |
1798 |
Statute |
Unlawful for any person to buy or sell goods from a slave. |
| Harboring a slave |
1798 |
Statute |
Persons found guilty of harboring or concealing enslaved persons were to pay
a penalty of 4 dollars to the slaves master for every 24 hour period a slave was concealed, provided that such penalty did
not exceed the value of such person. |
| Harboring a slave |
1798 |
Statute |
If a black who was wrongfully concealed died or was injured, or rendered unusable,
the responsible person was to pay the owner the value of such person. |
| Runaways |
1798 |
Statute |
The reward for persons who captured a slave 10 miles from his home without a
pass was $1. |
| Runaways |
1798 |
Statute |
Enslaved blacks who entered New Jersey without a license from their owner were
to be jailed. The reward for the capture of such person was $2, to be paid by the master. |
| Unlawful gathering |
1798 |
Statute |
Blacks and other slaves were prohibited from assembling together in a disorderly
manner. Constables and others had the right to order enslaved persons to disperse and return to their owners. If slaves refused
to obey they were to be brought before a justice of the peace and jailed. Owners had the right to direct that such slaves
be whipped 20 lashes at a cost of $1 for each slave whipped. |
| Curfew; hunting on Sunday |
1798 |
Statute |
Unlawful for enslaved persons to be away from their dwelling place after 10 o'clock
at night unless they had permission from their master. Statute also prohibited blacks from carrying a gun on Sundays. |
| Begging |
1798 |
Statute |
Prohibited owners from allowing enslaved blacks to beg for food, clothing, money
or other necessities. Penalty: $8 to be split between informer and overseers of the poor of the township. |
| Fraud |
1798 |
Statute |
Unlawful to sell or dispose of aged or decrepit enslaved persons to persons unable
to care for them sufficiently.Such sales were void and sellers were fined $40. |
| Importation of slaves |
1798 |
Statute |
Unlawful to import into state, either for sale or for servitude, any black or
other slave. Penalty: $140. Act did not extend to travellers or residents from bringing their slave property into the state. |
| Importation of slaves |
1798 |
Statute |
Citizens of New Jersey had the right to bring their slave property into the state
for service, but not for sale. |
| Welfare of slaves |
1798 |
Statute |
Persons could be indicted for cruel treatment of those enslaved. Penalty: $40. |
| Education |
1798 |
Statute |
Reenactment of 1788 act. Any enslaved person who had lived in New Jersey since
1788 was to be taught to read, while under the age of 21. Penalty for neglecting this duty was $30. |
| Slave trade |
1798 |
Statute |
Persons who prepared vessels for engaging in the slave trade between Europe,
Asia, Africa, or America, would be liable to lose their ship and face prosecution. Persons who resisted arrest for such charges
were to be fined $130. |
| Manumission |
1798 |
Statute |
Lawful for owners of slaves to manumit their slave property between the ages
of 21 and 40 if they were of sound mind and body. Law required owners to file a certificate with the county clerk's office. |
| Manumission |
1798 |
Statute |
Enslaved persons under the age of 21 or above the age of 40 could be freed if
the owner secured a bond of $500 in order to prevent the former slave from becoming a burden on the community. If the bond
was not secured, the manumission was void. |
| Welfare of slaves |
1798 |
Statute |
Enslaved persons not manumitted according to law were to remain under the protection
of their owners. If owners were unable to maintain their slaves, the township would be responsible. |
| Free blacks |
1798 |
Statute |
Free blacks from other states were prohibited from traveling, residing or working
in New Jersey without a certificate.Persons who harbored such free blacks were to be fined $12. |
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